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A myriad of interconnected social, political, economic and cultural factors help explain why CCTV has proliferated in UK society so rapidly. Drawing on evidence gleaned from a range of local and national news websites, I suggest several reasons why a 'pro-CCTV' discourse has emerged shielding the surveillance technology's expansion, explaining also why CCTV has been so passively accepted by a British population famed for both its passionate pride in democracy and civil liberties, and critical attitude toward state control and intervention.
Gavin Smith is a PhD student with the Department of SociologyUniversity of Aberdeen.
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Like them or loathe them, or perhaps more pertinently, notice them or remain oblivious, CCTV systems are now an exceedingly common feature in the UK urban landscape, with recent academic guesstimates placing the total number of CCTV cameras in this country at over 4.2 million, amazingly more than the entire population of Ireland (McCahill and Norris, 2003). These figures are perhaps even more remarkable when one considers that the first public space CCTV system was introduced in Bournemouth only twenty years ago (Norris and Armstrong, 1999: 53). With the latter two authors arguing that the average person in central London is captured on camera no fewer than three hundred times a day, it would be fair to contend that CCTV is watching and recording us in our daily lives wherever we go. Cameras can now be found monitoring petrol stations, classrooms, schools, nurseries, universities, banks, taxis, buses, football grounds, toilets, shops, shopping centres, supermarkets, railway stations, telephone boxes, residential properties, offices, motorways, airport terminals, restaurants, bars, nightclubs, historic buildings and even wildlife sites. The list, in fact, is endless leading one commentator to conclude, perhaps rather ominously, that whilst ' you used to watch television, now it watches you (emphasis added).'(1)
Indeed, Britain has twenty per cent of the world's CCTV and rough estimates suggest there is now one camera in operation for every fourteen people in this country.(2) Perhaps surprisingly, given the dramatic figures quoted and the obvious Orwellian Big Brother dystopian imagery such developments evoke, the rapid growth and coverage of CCTV has been relatively unchallenged by the British population. It is precisely this issue which forms the focus of the following paper. Whilst the matter is complex and difficult to fully address in such a short space, I have identified four interconnected factors which may explain the lack of significant public protest to CCTV's introduction and spread. The first of these concerns the pragmatic benefits of CCTV, and it is to this issue I now turn.
A central reason for CCTV's acceptance among the public is the fact that footage captured on cameras can and does aid the police considerably in securing convictions, and has been crucial to the successful outcome of a series of high profile local and national criminal investigations. Take for example the Metropolitan Police Force's recent use of CCTV images to aid in the July 7th London bombing enquiry (3), and also in the identification of suspects for the failed attacks on July 21st(4). Similarly, the haunting 1993 video footage of Bootle toddler Jamie Bulger leaving a shopping centre hand in hand with one of his killers, an image which helped the police significantly in their inquiry, and further augmented the cameras' worth in the eyes of the public. So whilst CCTV's crime preventive and reductive capacity may continue to be questioned (5), the technology's usefulness in reconstructing incidents – including the identification of victims, witnesses and major suspects, and providing direct and indirect evidence in criminal prosecutions – appears indubitable, and is a key facet through which public attitude is shaped into believing that CCTV coverage is 'a good thing'. Indeed, few could argue against the benefits of CCTV, certainly as a post-incident evidential analysis tool, especially when one considers the recent conviction of a male for the attempted rape of a victim who was never traced (6). Hence dissenters and civil libertarians who doubt the usefulness of CCTV are quickly quashed by an array of moral arguments and impressive statistics which convincingly show that 'CCTV works' and is needed throughout our communities. The upshot of all this, of course, is a self fulfilling prophecy whereby the very fact that these horrifying crimes are occurring in the first place, and are often captured on camera, then watched and occasionally solved by members of the public in the comfort of their own homes, further justifies the need for more cameras and so on ad–infinitum (7).
A further reason for the spread and acceptance of CCTV across society lies in the technology's mutating character (McCahill, 2002: 187; Norris and Armstrong, 1999: 58-9). This conception refers to the way in which CCTV systems, originally intended for crime prevention and detection, begin, sometimes accidentally though often rationally, to be deployed in a variety of novel areas and by different personnel to gather specifically non-criminal information and intelligence. This is seen in the use of CCTV systems by various public and private sector agencies to: monitor traffic flow and congestion, football crowds, the weather, worker productivity levels and customer service, passenger numbers/queues etc.; locate lost children; provide evidence in health and safety liable cases; observe wildlife and even enable the hyper efficient restaurant owner to know when a customer has finished a course and requires his/her plate to be taken away (10)! CCTV systems, in other words, by their very mutable nature, currently perform a range of duties far removed from their original remit of crime control and, as such, increasingly become a familiar, useful and accepted, part of the general public's everyday lives.
The mass media, arguably, has been the single most powerful advocate of CCTV, effectively using the images CCTV cameras generate to provide reporters, editors and radio and television programme directors alike with newsworthy material, pictures and alarmingly graphic, often highly sensationalised visual footage of 'real life' (9). Clive Norris and Gary Armstrong (1999: 67) have usefully characterised the media's relationship to CCTV as being a 'perfect marriage', because the images used effectively 'blur the distinction between entertainment and news; between documentary and spectacle and between voyeurism and current affairs'. Not only that, CCTV pictures and stories help sell papers and better enable the press to fuse reality with narrative in such a way as to successfully shock, shape and control public opinion; take, for example, the following headline in the Evening Times: 'CCTV caught thug kicking victim's head 33 times' (25 July 2005, p15)
The media's embrace of CCTV technology can be seen in the following headlines and stories found on a range of local and national news websites over the past twelve months: 'Housing estate brings in CCTV to fight crime' (10), 'Robocop cameras catch crooks in a flash' (11), 'Cameras cutting school vandalism' (12), 'CCTV responsible for more arrests' (13), 'CCTV plan to crack down on drug dealers targeting pupils' (14), 'CCTV 'wipes out' town's car crime' (15), 'CCTV prevents an attack on woman' (16), 'Capital CCTV network focuses in on 20 offenders every day'(17), 'City officials hail CCTV factor' (18), 'Network of CCTV cameras key to solving 25% of crimes' (19), 'CCTV van battles city problems' (20), 'Confidence 'boost' by CCTV scheme' (21), 'CCTV cameras that climb lampposts to catch thugs' (22), 'CCTV cuts attacks on fire crews' (23), 'More CCTV to catch future bombers' (24). With eye catching headlines and reporting such as this appearing in the news almost weekly, and with a general dearth of critical articles written for balance, perhaps we should not be surprised that the public have been so tolerant of CCTV cameras? It is worth noting here that most of the information and figures the media draw upon are supplied by the police, a key pro-CCTV organisation (see below). Indeed, it could be argued local authorities, government agencies and the police have taken advantage of journalism which has been typically unquestioning of facts, figures and context.
Being a visual medium, television, has also been quick to jump on the CCTV camera bandwagon, with 'infotainment' programmes such as Crimewatch UK , Police Camera Action! and Eye Spy all utilising recorded footage – often shocking in nature – taken directly from crime scenes in a bid to draw in viewers. These programmes have helped establish a belief in CCTV's effectiveness, and hence the public's acceptance of the systems as key crime fighting tools. Recent years have also seen the rise of 'reality' television shows such as Big Brother , Celebrity Love Island , The Farm etc., which broadcast meticulously edited CCTV footage both of pseudo and real celebrities living and interacting in a range of restricted locations, in a bid to shock, amuse and entertain. Voyeuristically watching these individuals perform the most intimate of tasks on a daily basis has, I would argue, further cemented both our acceptance of watching and of being watched, and hence the presence of 'Big Brother' in our society. Reality programmes, by their very nature, normalise the idea amongst viewers that being closely observed is normal, fascinating and of high entertainment value (25).
Another crucial sponsor of CCTV, and major player in securing its acceptance across society, is government (26). It is no secret that a massive sum (totalling around £170m) taken from the Home Office's Crime Reduction Programme CCTV Initiative has been spent on setting up around 680 schemes across the UK (Gill, 2003). Likewise, the Scottish Executive has recently stated that £1m is to be made available for a 'new generation' of CCTV improvement in Scotland. As Deputy Justice Minister Hugh Henry puts it: "CCTV is a valuable tool in deterring criminals and increasing detection rates. By harnessing the potential of this modern technology we can further assist the police in their work and help to reclaim our city centres from criminals and antisocial yobs." (27)
Indeed, high profile politicians from the major parties have consistently drawn attention to the effectiveness of CCTV and how the technology has been, and is, well worth the considerable investment. Take Prime Minister Tony Blair's proclamation that CCTV is having a "tremendous impact" on crime (cited in Norris and Armstrong, 1999: 38), former opposition leader Michael Howard's comments that "CCTV catches criminals. It spots crimes, identifies lawbreakers and helps convict the guilty" (ibid: 65) and Foreign Secretary Jack Straw's statement that: "mass surveillance by CCTV is a price worth paying for security in such troubled times, when street violence, crime, theft, burglary and other horrors are showing no signs of abating" (cited in Parker, 2001: 67). Once again, it's not difficult imagining how and why the general population have absorbed such a favourable view of CCTV systems, given that high profile members of both major parties are regularly singing CCTV's praises.
The police have also been key agents in selling CCTV to the public. Nowadays, CCTV tapes and hard drives are checked in virtually every major criminal investigation in the hope of identifying key suspects, the cameras themselves being used by police officers, council employees and civilian support staff in the daily fight against retail crime, road traffic offences and alcohol/drug related disorder etc. Not only that, CCTV images are frequently utilised by police controllers and senior officers to deploy appropriate resources to ongoing incidents and large scale events (such as football matches). Indeed, as intelligence–led policing becomes the dominant investigative model, CCTV camera generated data – stored in large digital databases – will play a central role in the identification, profiling and tracking of various individuals of 'interest'. CCTV schemes can also help the police improve crime prevention and boost detection rates, a crucial factor in restoring public confidence.
The police sell CCTV to the public by issuing astounding statistics and statements. Take, for instance, the following press releases:
"Extra portable CCTV cameras are to be used in the Telford and Wrekin area in a bid to crack down on crime and anti-social behaviour. An 80% reduction in reported incidents was recorded after a camera was placed at The Leegomery Centre. There was a 75% reduction after the other camera was put at The Parade in Donnington . ." (28)
"Police in Jersey say they have arrested 230 people over the past six months thanks to closed circuit television. The force said its CCTV cameras have recorded 1,000 incidents in the first half of this year." (29)
"Car crime in Darlington's town centre car parks has fallen to an all-time low, according to latest figures. There were 11 reported incidents of car thefts or thefts from vehicles last year. . . The surveillance system was first installed in 1994 at a cost of £750,000 when 374 incidents were recorded." (30)
More subtly, though equally robustly, the message that 'CCTV works' and is a 'good thing' can be seen in the following examples:
"CCTV is another tool in the toolbox and, when used in conjunction with other activities, it is a valuable aid to community safety. There are many good examples where CCTV has been used to detect crimes in progress and to assist in deploying resources" (31)
"The camera network is invaluable in terms of detecting crime, the offenders of crime and the gathering of evidence. They are also effective in building intelligence in respect of what is happening in certain areas and can assist the police in the ways in which they address issues most affecting a particular community" (32)
Statements such as these not only help reify reinforce the usefulness of CCTV in the public's eyes, but also suggest that footage retrieved will potentially provide the investigation with crucial clues and evidence.
This paper has tried to show some of the various ways in which CCTV has been both sold to and accepted by the general public. I have identified four key players in this process – the cameras themselves, the mass media, the government and the police – and have suggested that each has, perhaps unwittingly, aided the pro–CCTV discourse. This discourse, as we have seen, operates at many levels and for differing reasons. Ultimately, however, its effect has been to normalise and justify the existence and spread of surveillance cameras, whilst also softening and colouring public attitude toward such technology, so as to secure CCTV's present and continued acceptance.
1. Phil Patton http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/3.01/caught.html
2. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/hampshire/4282962.stm
3. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4690149.stm
4. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4706421.stm
5. See, for example, Gill et al. (2005) http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs05/rdsolr1505.pdf | http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs05/hors292.pdf
6. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/london/4145618.stm
7. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/london/4679883.stm
8. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/wales/4165814.stm | http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/cumbria/4465897.stm
9. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/london/4123986.stm | http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/4062023.stm
10. http://news.scotsman.com/aberdeen.cfm?id=2247992005
11. Evening Times, 1 December 2004, p1
12. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/tyne/4736757.stm
13. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/jersey/4721615.stm
14. http://news.scotsman.com/education.cfm?id=2340992005
15. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/4326959.stm
16. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/west_midlands/4495639.stm
17. http://news.scotsman.com/index.cfm?id=1893582005
18. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/lincolnshire/4209397.stm
19. http://edinburghnews.scotsman.com/edinburgh.cfm?id=1763332005
20. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/bristol/4169731.stm
21. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/wiltshire/4486317.stm
22. http://www.eveningtimes.co.uk/hi/news/5035551.html
23. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/tees/4459631.stm
24. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/london/4679883.stm
25. See also the arguments in the following article: http://entertainment.scotsman.com/headlines_specific.cfm?id=5794
26. A myriad of different reasons exist as to why successive governments support CCTV, though to detail them falls outwith the scope of this particular paper. Suffice to say they range from the obvious political rewards to be had from gaining the public's faith in the crime busting 'silver bullet' technology and demonstrating to potential voters that positive inroads are being made in the fight against crime, to the economic and social benefits of supporting, developing and investing in the security sector, one of Britain's fastest and largest growth industries. CCTV is also a crucial facet behind current urban regeneration policy, the creation of consumer cities and securing investment in urban centres and outlying communities. Further arguments proclaim that CCTV cameras, in the long run, are a cheaper alternative to training and employing extra police officers. Still others have argued that the government's faith in CCTV is indicative of a change in criminal justice policy and the emergence of neo-liberal political governance and sociospatial ordering and is further evidence of neo-liberal political rule where space becomes increasingly privatised, commodified and categorised, ultimately leading those whose image does not 'belong' to be targeted, monitored and excluded (Coleman, 2004).
27. http://news.scotsman.com/latest_scotland.cfm?id=2223012005
28. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/shropshire/4161186.stm
29. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/jersey/4721615.stm
30. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/4326959.stm
31. http://edinburghnews.scotsman.com/index.cfm?id=1050062004
32. http://www.eveningtelegraph.co.uk/output/2003/12/22/story5471604t0.shtm
http://www.urbaneye.net/ http://www.cctvusergroup.com/ http://www.surveillance-and-society.org/ http://www.privacyinternational.org/
Coleman, R. (2004) Reclaiming the Streets: Surveillance, social control and the city. Cullompton: Willan Publishing.
Gill, M. (2003) 'Introduction' in M. Gill (ed.), CCTV. Leicester: Perpetuity Press.
McCahill, M. and Norris. C (2002a) 'Literature Review' (Working Paper No.2), in On the Threshold to Urban Panopticon? Analysing the Employment of CCTV in European Cities and Assessing its Social and Political Impacts. Centre for Technology and Society, Technical University Berlin: European Commission.
McCahill, M. and Norris, C (2002b) 'CCTV in Britain' (Working Paper No.3), in On the Threshold to Urban Panopticon? Analysing the Employment of CCTV in European Cities and Assessing its Social and Political Impacts. Centre for Technology and Society, Technical University Berlin: European Commission.
McCahill, M. and C. Norris (2003) 'Estimating the Extent, Sophistication and Legality of CCTV in London', in M. Gill (ed.), CCTV. Leicester: Perpetuity Press.
Norris, C. and G. Armstrong (1999) The Maximum Surveillance Society: The Rise of CCTV. Oxford: Berg.
Parker, J. (2000) Total Surveillance: Investigating the Big Brother world of E-spies, Eavesdroppers and CCTV. London: Piatkus.
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